The fight against homophobia in Africa must be an agenda led by Africans, for Africans

Until the arrival of homophobic colonials, many places in Africa shared a tacit acceptance of gay relations so long as they took place before or alongside marriage, which retained a particular focus on childbearing and the importance of lineage.  In fact, what we might describe as lesbian interaction was often not even considered sexual, as no penis was involved, and took place between women frequently and without question. This still goes on in some places on the African continent, although the influence of Western ideas, particularly homophobia and our distinctly European binary view of sex, is changing that.

Colonial settlers and missionaries were horrified by what they saw when they arrived on Africa’s shores; of polygamy, same-sex relations and often matriarchal societies. They immediately set about ‘civilising’ the locals, by introducing strictly patriarchal structures, new Christian ideas about sex and gender, and an ugly, pervasive view of same-sex relations; industrial-size homophobia was brought to the continent.

Fast forward to the present day and the West has experienced a dramatic sexual revolution. First of all, the contraceptive pill, female emancipation, gender equality legislation and the blossoming of individualism all created an environment where sexual choices are those for the individual and the Victorian obsession with conservative sexual morals has come (almost) to an end. The last legal stalwart of this prudishness was anti-homosexuality legislation, discriminatory laws dropping like flies so that now, most Western countries can boast that gay people have full equal rights under the law, including the right to marry, have children, serve in the military and live lives free from discrimination. There is still a long way to go until social equality catches up with the law, but a major obstacle has been bulldozed in achieving this ultimate goal.

But the world had not yet shared in this social revolution. We, the British, should feel particularly ashamed of the colonial legacy of homophobia that we left behind – ex-British colonies are significantly more likely to have laws criminalising homosexuality than countries that were colonised by other European powers, or not colonised at all. It would be simplistic and incorrect to suggest that homophobia didn’t exist in Africa until the arrival of colonial powers, but we certainly reinforced it and turned it into a legal and social nightmare. And we shouldn’t forget that our change in position on this issue is an extremely recent one, only three decades ago, European governments including Britain were defending homophobic legislation in the European Court of Human Rights arguing that they had the “legitimate aim” of the “protection of morals”, based on religion and centuries-old moral standards. Many African countries are currently experience a fresh wave of homophobia, from new criminalising laws including the horrifying threat of the death penalty, to public crackdowns on homosexual behaviour, free speech violations and harassment. Shrewd politicians have sought to capitalise on dangerous public sentiment for easy political gains, with a homophobic media lapping it up, and sometimes even baying for blood. Even more worryingly, reports suggest that wealthy evangelical Christian churches from America, having lost their battle with homosexuality at home, are increasingly turning to the African continent to peddle their hate-filled brand of religious belief.

Attempts to influence these African nations to drop homophobia legislation has proved challenging, and understandably so; the response often boils down to claims that homosexuality is a Western invention with no place on the African continent, and attempts to prevent homophobic discrimination are colonial influence that has no place in the modern world. It is essential that we recognised that the majority African view of homosexuality is not just one that we held until extremely recently, but one that we specifically imported and cultivated there. At the same time, we cannot simply dismiss the problem as none of our business, while human rights abuses continue and people are suffering. We know that homosexuality is an intrinsic part of the human condition, not a culturally-specific phenomenon. But our approach must be sensitive, it must not be preachy; we must tread carefully when tackling the endemic homophobia we are largely responsible for. So what is the right approach?

First, we must seek to understand the complex and often unwritten rule of customary law, and appreciate the different attitudes toward sex that cross Africa, and can vary dramatically even in relatively small areas. We cannot combat homophobia with Western conceptions of sex that are confusing and alien to those on the ground. And to appreciate the role we can play, we must first challenge our own pervasive prejudices of a homogenous Africa inhabited by the savage and simple-minded – nothing could be further from the truth. We must begin by taking Africa seriously, and treating Africans as equals with their own views and voices, instead of simply assuming we can boss them around.

In the past, Western donors have threatened to cut development aid (and in some cases actually have), but this is the wrong approach. People do not respond well to threats, and threatening aid budgets is emotional blackmail that also will hit the poorest people in African nations the hardest. Threatening counties might make them remove legislation, but it will further entrench views of colonial bullying and do nothing to change hearts and minds on the issue at hand; if anything it may reinforce these views more stubbornly. This approach is also highly hypocritical, considering the lavish support we throw at other nations with an appalling record of human rights abuses against gay people, with Saudi Arabia being a key example.

Instead, we must recognise that there are many Africans fighting homophobia on the ground in their countries; these are the efforts we should be supporting. Aid funding should be channelled to these organisations, and our human rights organisations and foreign offices should keep tabs on them so they are at least somewhat protected from both legal and physical harassment. We are also ignoring high level African voices against homophobia that challenge the perception of defence of homosexuality as ‘unAfrican’; the South African Human Rights Commission, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and the former President of Mozambique, Joaquim Chissano, are some such voices that must be heard. For it to succeed, the fight against homophobia on African soil must be an agenda led by Africans, based on African, not Western, values.

Homophobia in Africa is a growing problem, and we must recognise that it will be a long and difficult road towards achieving the same level of equality and acceptance that we have here in the UK, even when we also have so far to go. But a ham-fisted approach that involves neo-colonial bullying and ill-considered pressure will only make the situation worse. Combating homophobia in Africa requires patience and a grass-roots approach, so that the vital voices of African activists take precedence over our own.

(Sourced from https://developmentandhumanrights.wordpress.com/2015/10/08/the-fight-against-homophobia-in-africa-must-be-an-agenda-led-by-africans-for-africans/ )

Independence Day Speech by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari

October 1st is a day for joy and celebrations for us Nigerians, whatever the circumstances we find ourselves in because it is the day, 55 years ago; we liberated ourselves from the shackles of colonialism and began our long march to nationhood and to greatness.

No temporary problems or passing challenges should stop us from honouring this day. Let us remind ourselves of the gifts God has given us. Our Creator has bequeathed to us Numbers – Nigeria is the ninth most populated country on the planet. We have in addition arable land; water; forests; oil and gas; coastline; and solid minerals

We have all the attributes of a great nation. We are not there yet because the one important commodity we have been unable to exploit to the fullest is unity of purpose. This would have enabled us to achieve not only more orderly political evolution and integration but also continuity and economic progress.

Countries far less endowed have made greater economic progress by greater coherence and unity of purpose.

Nonetheless, that we have remained together is an achievement we should all appreciate and try to consolidate. We have witnessed this year a change in our democratic development.

The fact that an opposition party replaced an entrenched government in a free and fair election is indicative of the deeper roots of our democratic system. Whatever one’s views are, Nigerians must thank former President Jonathan for not digging-in in the face of defeat and thereby saving the country untold consequences.

As I said in my inaugural speech, I bear no ill will against anyone on past events. Nobody should fear anything from me. We are not after anyone. People should only fear the consequences of their actions. I hereby invite everyone, whatever his or her political view to join me in working for the nation.

My countrymen and women, every new government inherits problems. Ours was no different. But what Nigerians want are solutions, quick solutions not a recitation of problems inherited.

Accordingly, after consultations with the Vice President, senior party leaders and other senior stakeholders, I quickly got down to work on the immediate, medium-term and long-term problems which we must solve if we are to maintain the confidence which Nigerians so generously bestowed on us in the March elections.

And since then, as you know, I toured the neighbouring countries, marshalled a coalition of armed forces of the five nations to confront and defeat Boko Haram. I met also the G-7 leaders and other friendly presidents in an effort to build an international coalition against Boko Haram.

Our gallant armed forces under new leadership have taken the battle to the insurgents, and severely weakened their logistical and infrastructural capabilities. Boko Haram are being scattered and are on the run.

That they are resorting to shameless attacks on soft targets such as I.D.P. camps is indicative of their cowardice and desperation. I have instructed security and local authorities to tighten vigilance in vulnerable places. On power, government officials have held a series of long sessions over several weeks about the best way to improve the nation’s power supply in the safest and most cost-effective way.

In the meantime, improvement in the power situation is moderately encouraging. By the same token, supply of petrol and kerosene to the public has improved throughout the country. All the early signs are that within months the whole country would begin to feel a change for the better.

Preliminary steps have been taken to sanitize NNPC and improve its operations so that the inefficiency and corruption could be reduced to a minimum.

Those of our refineries which can be serviced and brought back into partial production would be enabled to resume operations so that the whole sordid business of exporting crude and importing finished products in dubious transactions could be stopped.

In addition to NNPC, I have ordered a complete audit of our other revenue generating agencies mainly CBN, FIRS, Customs, NCC, for better service delivery to the nation.

Prudent house-keeping is needed now more than ever in view of the sharp decline in world market oil prices. It is a challenge we have to face squarely. But what counts is not so much what accrues but how we manage our resources that is important.

We have seen in the last few years how huge resources were mismanaged, squandered and wasted. The new APC government is embarking on a clean up, introducing prudence and probity in public financing.

At an early stage, the federal government addressed the issue of salary arrears in many states, a situation capable of degenerating into social unrest. The APC government stepped in to improve short-term support to the owing states and enabled them to pay off the backlog and restore the livelihood of millions of Nigerians.

Fellow Nigerians, there have been a lot of anxiety and impatience over the apparent delay in announcement of ministers. There is no cause to be anxious. Our government set out to do things methodically and properly. We received the handover notes from the outgoing government only four days before taking over.

Consequently, the Joda Transition Committee submitted its Report on the reorganization of Federal Government structure after studying the handover notes. It would have been haphazard to announce ministers when the government had not finalized the number of ministries to optimally carry the burden of governance.

Anyway, the wait is over. The first set of names for ministerial nominees for confirmation has been sent to the Senate. Subsequent lists will be forwarded in due course. Impatience is not a virtue. Order is more vital than speed. Careful and deliberate decisions after consultations get far better results. And better results for our country is what the APC government for CHANGE is all about.

I would like to end my address this morning on our agenda for CHANGE. Change does not just happen. You and I and all of us must appreciate that we all have our part to play if we want to bring change about. We must change our lawless habits, our attitude to public office and public trust. We must change our unruly behaviour in schools, hospitals, market places, motor parks, on the roads, in homes and offices. To bring about change, we must change ourselves by being law-abiding citizens.

Happy Independence Celebrations. Long live the Federal Republic of Nigeria. God bless you all.

(Sourced from http://www.channelstv.com/2015/10/01/full-text-president-buharis-independence-day-speech/ )